Mahathir wants RM2.38 billion from Anwar Ibrahim
The Third Force
Hey, what is up guys?
Once again, I was forced into a three day hiatus owing to an urgent task I needed to complete. Henceforth, I will make it a point to roll out shorter opinion pieces in order that the gap between each article is shortened, perhaps even to a day. So do bear with me just this once.
Today, I will attempt to deliver some legitimate answers to questions some of you had posed to me in writing. I may not be able to answer all your questions in one article though, but will do my best to extend the base to every answer so as to encompass questions by as many readers as possible.
But first, a little background.
Last Wednesday, the 7th of September 2016, I posted an article titled One of Mahathir’s funders slammed the door shut and bolted, which you can trace through the links I have provided below this one. There, I attempted to link some of the dots to stuff we at Malaysia Today have been saying for quite a while.
The whole purpose of the exercise was to help you guys put two and two together to paint a clearer picture of the goings on within the political playing field, now taunted by a group of saboteurs claiming to be on a mission to ‘save’ Malaysia. This group, led by none other than former premier Dr. Mahathir Mohammad, insists that the nation is under siege by an evil and corrupt administration that runs on hidden hands and illegal pay-offs.
The former premier has it that the people are desperate to “throw out the clowns,” who, according to him, are sending the country “to the dogs.” He got his minions, Dato’ Abdul Kadir Jasin and Tun Daim Zainuddin, to drive the point home by declaring that the nation was postured on poor fundamentals and was at the verge of a bankruptcy. Both Kadir and Daim presented a bleak future through very deceptive lenses by tweaking financial figures and displaying them with skewed rationale.
Lim Sian See (LSS) has since come out to debunk both Daim and Kadir. For those of you who have yet to read his articles, you may do so by tracing them through the links I provided below. They are exceptionally good articles, I must say. Still, what needs to be said is what Daim and Kadir conveniently left out, which is the part about how Mahathir had subverted the ringgit with the help of foreigners.
Just to recap, and in brief, the former premier facilitated a network of communication that ran all the way through local agencies of statute and foreign media channels. The network presented him a labyrinth of pipelines through which top secret government linked documents were counterfeited and later channelled to Clare Rewcastle Brown of the Sarawak Report fame.
Clare’s job was to build stories around these forgeries in ways that depicted a sense of economic calamity. While she kept herself busy, Mahathir ramped up assaults against the Prime Minister by alleging that the latter was criminally and morally perverse. These shenanigans caused many investors to forfeit their commitments to local stocks and government bonds, riding on fears that both the government and the economy were at the brink of a total collapse.
The investor pull-out exerted unnecessary downward pressure on the ringgit, causing it to slip below a psychological baseline. The broad idea, I am told, was to reduce the purchasing power of the commoner to build up anxiety and resentment among the people. At the heart of it, Mahathir made every conscious attempt to wreck havoc on the established order, just so that the people would get fed up and vent their frustrations against Dato’ Seri Najib Tun Razak.
In the thick of it all, both Mahathir and his minions partook in activity that was highly prejudicial and subversive against the Federal Constitution, the King and democracy. With the help of the opposition coalition, NGO’s and UMNO members – both past and present – he is now waging a war ‘of an untold proportion’ against the ruling Barisan Nasional to force the premature dissolution of parliament by March of next year.
Against this backdrop, let us move on to the questions you guys had posed to me. Do note though, that I may slip in a question or two of my own where appropriate, just to fill in the gaps of coherence that may arise along the way.
1. “Why is the present government taking so long to bring the perpetrators to court? Will there be any prosecutions at all? If not, why?” – in response to Sun Siew Cheon, Aloysius Pereira, Prasad Muthiah (in part)
This is really not an easy question to answer. Still, I will give it my best shot, though, regardless of what I say, you must take it with a pinch of salt and derive your own conclusions. With that in mind, let me begin by putting to you the kind of investigative journalism I do in order to get most of this stuff out into the open.
In a nutshell, what I have is a pool of informants I built over the years, one that provides me with inside information pertaining to the innermost workings of very cryptic political groups. Many have opened up to me in recent months seeing that I profess a no holds barred approach, or, as some would have it, am willing to take the bull by its horns.
Now, the process of validating information from these informants requires a kind of scrutiny that can get rather tricky. RPK has his sources, which frankly, are dead on target all of the time. I have mine. However, I constantly find myself sieving through to the bottom of the info pile in order to pinpoint stuff that corroborate with views or evidence delivered by other independent sources. I have, of course, a set of criteria I religiously follow to distinguish information I can trust from that which I can’t.
Bear in mind though, this is intelligence gathering. If information procured was factual, we’d call it a fact finding mission, not an intelligence gathering. Still, intelligence reports are necessary and constitute a core element to fact finding missions. They are honest assessments, derived or supplied, that allow people like me to make quick decisions when a threat is seen to be clear and present.
And that is precisely how it works with governments. For example, the Prime Minister was able to stave off a coup attempt by the word of an intelligence unit that protects him. Members of the team threw a whisper that told of a conspiracy to have him arrested on fake charges. In doing so, they warranted a discovery that eventually forced Tan Sri Abdul Gani Patail to provide details of the conspiracy to the Prime Minister himself.
Here, you can see why it is important for the government to have a safety net, so to speak, to safeguard the interests of the nation, its leaders and their security. This net involves intelligence units that work in the shadows and remain anonymous to many. Without a safety net, not only would Mahathir have succeeded in ousting Najib, Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin would be the Prime Minister today.
I have my own safety net, and by virtue of intelligence teams that come along with it, a library of evidence. Likewise, Najib has his intelligence sources and libraries of evidence. The IGP, Tan Sri Khalid Abu Bakar, himself has intelligence sources that help deliver some leads.
At this stage, investigations against Mahathir and his cohorts by Najib’s intelligence teams and those linked to the authorities may yet be ongoing on a private and confidential basis. In matters of national security, particularly when it concerns acts of espionage, treason and subversion against the King, democracy and the Federal Constitution, it is not the place for the authorities nor the government to reveal the scope, purpose or nature of discoveries that are being conducted, let alone the existence of safety nets.
Therefore, one must not assume that Mahathir will get off scot free, or that the government and the authorities are resting on their laurels doing nothing. All said, bear in mind – taking a 92 year old former premier to task over acts of subversion or treason is not a simple thing. The repercussions could be dire if he were to be arrested at this point in time, never mind the charge. Members of the public would roast the Prime Minister by alleging that “Mahathir was right, Najib is on a witch hunt to silence his detractors.”
So to Sun Siew Cheon, Aloysius Pereira and Prasad Muthiah, in politics, it always boils down to the broader interest of national security. For instance, not arresting a commoner charged with selling top secret government information to foreigners constitutes a crime by itself, the grounds being that the act of treason would stand to jeopardize national security. So it is wrong, whichever way you look at it, be it through the lenses of justice or security.
But not arresting, or at the very least, delaying the arrest of a 92 year old former premier on counts of treason and criminally subversive activity may actually work in favour of national security. The reason being, there is a need for us to get the people to first understand that not only did Mahathir attempt to mess with the Monarchical institution, he undermined the ringgit and caused the economy to suffer just so that he could pave the way for his son to become Prime Minister.
I mean, if the people do not understand what Mahathir had done wrong, wouldn’t his arrest trigger frustration and dissent? Don’t you think that the people would be convinced what Mahathir had told them was true, that the government was hell-bent on castrating all of Najib’s detractors? What good would that do, particularly if it were to cost Barisan Nasional at the ballot box? Do you want to let the man whose father tried to sell the country down the river assume power?
Most importantly, wouldn’t that pose a greater threat to national security and the well being of the nation?
Perhaps now it becomes clear why the government or authorities aren’t so eager to pounce on Mahathir just yet. They aren’t, because arresting the former premier is no longer a question of justice, but one of that relates to the greater good of the nation. In other words, not arresting the Prime Minister just yet in and of itself constitutes an act of prudence, one in the best interest of national security.
Yes, politics is that wondrous place where sometimes, a spade is not called a spade.
2. “Why are they called funders and backers if it’s money from Mahathir’s ‘own’ RM100B loot?” – in response to Adam Akmal
This is a good question. Just to note, Adam was referring to Mahathir’s onetime proxies, trustees and nominees, all of whom I referred to as funders in my previous article.
To recap, last Wednesday, I told you guys how one of Mahathir’s many funders bolted on the pretext that he had pressing business issues abroad that warranted his attention. And that is true. The said funder confided in one of his associates, who later told me that the tycoon did not want to be associated with the conspiracy to trigger a snap election any longer.
However, what I have yet to tell you guys is the fact that the tycoon’s retreat cost Mahathir a whopping 1.5 billion ringgit. That is to say, the funder pulled along with him a billion and a half in pledges that he had made to the former premier last December.
Just to recap, and in brief, the former premier was told in no uncertain terms by his funders that the five billion ringgit they had pledged to him over the span of some six to seven months was specifically to bankroll activity geared towards triggering a snap election by March of next year.
Following the failed July 2015 coup attempt, none of Mahathir’s funders believed that the former premier possessed the kind of influence or authority required to force a resignation from Najib. As a matter of fact, I am told that none of them believe that Najib can be brought down through the ballot box even if the general election were to be held in 2018. All they’re doing now is to humour Mahathir, which is why much of the five billion that was delivered to him was only in pledges.
Now, much of this has already been addressed in the article I posted last Wednesday, titled One of Mahathir’s funders slammed the door shut and bolted. There, you’d find a wealth of information, which, if repeated, would just stretch this article longer than it already is. So I’m going to move along with the confidence that you guys will dig that article out and go through it.
What Mahathir’s funders did from the very beginning was to play both ends against the middle. That is to say, they supported a competition between Mahathir and Najib from both sides to see who the better tactician was. Like I said before, whatever the outcome, they knew they would benefit most and would be rewarded.
Having worked the odds out, I am told, they were more than convinced that Najib was going nowhere, come hell or high water. So they’re no longer concerned with pacts they had entered into with Mahathir during the latter’s days as Prime Minister. As far as they’re concerned, the former premier is history, and tagging along with him would only risk their chances of procuring lucrative deals through the Najib administration.
So it no longer matters to them the capacity through which they amassed their billions, be it as a trustee, nominee or a proxy. Likewise, they’re no longer concerned with an agreement they had entered into with Mahathir that required them to channel funds into his war chest during elections.
And that is why I no longer refer to them as trustees, nominees or proxies, but funders.
3. “Why is Mahathir so suddenly supportive of Anwar and the reformasi agenda?” – in response to a question by Nadiah Ahmad Tajuddin
It’s all about the money.
The pull out by one of Mahathir’s funders triggered a snowball effect. Just yesterday, another funder, a smaller player, pulled out some RM500 million in pledges, bringing the total deficit to the sum that was pledged to RM2 billion.
And that leaves Mahathir with just three billion ringgit. Take away another RM800 million, an amount the former premier is thought to have shelled out in world media coverage since January this year, and you’ll see that he’s left with just RM2.2 billion in pledges. That, my friends, isn’t enough for him to defeat Barisan Nasional come the 14th general election. At least, that’s what he told his confidante.
Now, he knows exactly why his funders are pissed with him. The whole lot of them just recently discovered that he had attempted to trigger mass demonstrations – possibly even a riot – behind their backs. Both Mahathir and the leader of a coalition of NGO’s had planned to rile people up against Najib on the pretext that the latter was MO1, an official who was named by the US Department of Justice in a civil suit against a US based movie Production Company.
The coup attempt contravened an agreement Mahathir had with his funders. They told him – warned is a better word – that any attempt to trigger a coup would jeopardize arrangements they had with him. As it is, two funders have called it quits and shut their doors on him. Should any of the remaining three opt out, Mahathir knows that he would end up in deep shit.
The reason being, his own son, Dato’ Mokhzani Mahathir, is embroiled in a scandal of sorts and is ill capacitated to assist his father in funding anything. Dato’ Seri Mukhriz Mahathir, on the other hand, has his hands tied – any trace of illicit cash flowing through his accounts or those of his associates would trigger alarms. Both he and Mahathir know that the authorities have their eyes trained on their circle and dare not do anything that would be a cause for suspicion.
Which is why, the former premier met Dato’ Seri Azmin Ali quite recently and told him to work his ‘magic’ on jailed opposition leader Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim. Mahathir wants Anwar to convince Datin Seri Dr. Wan Azizah to part with a portion of the RM2.38 billion that she seems to have access to. In return, Anwar wants Mahathir to publically declare that not only is the reformasi agenda a part of the ‘save’ Malaysia campaign, the latter himself supports it.
Interesting, is it not? Stick around guys, and please, keep the questions rolling in. I have a hell of a lot more for you in the pipeline.
Relevant articles by RPK:
Relevant articles by LSS:
Relevant articles by me: