Winds of change may blow hot air
In the struggle against corruption, one should not expect a miracle to happen with the advent of a new government. As such, Malaysians would do well to adopt a critical but balanced approach towards politicians of all stripes.
Many Chinese and Indian Malaysians hope a Pakatan leadership will bring an end to policies that favour the Malays and bumiputras in some areas. But this will not happen because the special position of the Malays and bumiputras of Sabah and Sarawak is an entrenched Article in the Constitution under the direct protection of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and the Conference of Rulers. Neither the ballot box nor Parliament can change this. Even DAP has, at its recent party congress, reiterated its support for this Article.
Dr Chandra Muzaffar, The Star
ON the occasion of the 200th birth anniversary of the celebrated English writer Charles Dickens, one senses that many well-heeled and well-educated Malaysians harbour some Great Expectations about the nation’s future after the 13th general election.
There are various dimensions to these expectations.
First, there are Malaysians who are convinced a Pakatan Rakyat government in Putrajaya will usher in an era of honest, competent governance.
They forget when a government is overthrown in a democracy, there is no guarantee its successor will be able to ensure good, clean governance; partly because the scope for radical, holistic change in a competitive party system with deep, vested interests, is limited.
The Janata Party in India, despite its popular crusade against corruption within the ruling Indian National Congress, failed to curb the scourge and was in power for only three years from 1977.
Similarly, in Japan, the coalition that replaced the Liberal Democratic Party in 1993 hardly made a dent upon the institutionalised elite corruption that had plagued Japanese politics for a long while.
Pakatan has, at the state level, initiated a couple of measures that reflect good governance; such as the declaration of assets of executive council members and a Freedom of Information Act.
Kedah Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Azizan Abdul Razak and Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng are perceived by a segment of the public as men of integrity.
Nonetheless, questions have arisen in these states and other Pakatan-ruled states about flood mismanagement, under-priced land sale, shady sand deals and nepotism.
Besides, high-profile leaders in the coalition had been deeply involved in money politics and vote-buying not so long ago.
This is why, in the struggle against corruption, one should not expect a miracle to happen with the advent of a new government.
Abraham Lincoln observed that “the true test of a person’s character is not when he is in adversity, but when he has power”.
This explains why institutions outside the arena of power politics, such as the courts, enforcement agencies and people’s movements have been effective in curbing corruption in democratic societies.
It is these institutions that Malaysian citizens should help to strengthen.
Secondly, many Chinese and Indian Malaysians hope a Pakatan leadership will bring an end to policies that favour the Malays and bumiputras in some areas.
But this will not happen because the special position of the Malays and bumiputras of Sabah and Sarawak is an entrenched Article in the Constitution under the direct protection of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and the Conference of Rulers.
Neither the ballot box nor Parliament can change this. Even DAP has, at its recent party congress, reiterated its support for this Article.
The most one can hope for is that the Pakatan will implement policies emanating from the special position in a fair and equitable manner.
Barisan, many objective analysts argue, had attempted to implement the special position policies with an appreciable degree of justice.
However, there have been occasions over the last 54 years when Barisan leaders had faltered and failed.
Since the inability to place the good of the public over private gains is often the reason for deviation, one can expect this human failing to occur even when Pakatan, or some other group, is in power.
Thirdly, there is a great expectation among the Muslims in Pakatan that, with the coalition in power, PAS will be able to move steadily towards its ultimate goal of an Islamic state.
Issues that affect non-Muslims directly may be put on the back-burner for a while.
But other aspects of fiqh (jurisprudence), such as those pertaining to women, male-female interaction, culture and entertainment and hudud, will be implemented one way or another.
PAS’ ideological orientation and the influence of the ulama from within and outside the party will ensure it remains faithful to its agenda.
It is unlikely the Muslims from other parties in Parliament will openly oppose PAS’ Islamic agenda, given the uncritical acceptance of ulama authority among Malaysian Muslims.
That PAS is determined to fulfil its ideological mission is borne out by its conduct after its best-ever parliamentary performance in the 1999 general election, when the party captured Terengganu.
Though it promised to uphold the common manifesto it shared with its three partners in the alliance that was then known as Barisan Alternatif – a manifesto that made no mention of an Islamic state, hudud or fiqh – PAS went on to say it was enforcing kharaj, an antiquated tax meant specifically for non-Muslims, in the state.
The proposal was subsequently aborted, partly because of protests from its partners.
Nonetheless, PAS went ahead with its hudud legislation in Terengganu to prove its fidelity to its vision of Islam.
What this shows is – should Pakatan come to power in Putrajaya – PAS may be in a better position to achieve some of its great expectations, compared to DAP.
Political and constitutional realities will constrain the latter.
As for other great expectations about governance and integrity, Malaysians would do well to adopt a critical but balanced approach towards politicians of all stripes.
Our best hope lies in continuing to speak the truth to power on both sides of the divide.
> Dr Chandra Muzaffar is chairman of the board of trustees of Yayasan 1Malaysia and professor of Global Studies at Universiti Sains Malaysia
